Babies born alive during abortions

Federal law has said since 2002 that a baby who is born alive at any stage of development, including after an attempted abortion, is a 'person', 'human being', 'child' and 'individual' in every Act of Congress. Killing a born baby is homicide in every state, and in 2013 Philadelphia abortionist Kermit Gosnell was convicted of three counts of first-degree murder for killing babies born alive in his clinic. Live births after abortion are uncommon but documented: CDC death-certificate data identified 143 infant deaths from 2003 to 2014 that definitely involved an induced termination, and said this may be an undercount. Few states require these cases to be reported, so no one has a complete national count.

What this settles
That babies are sometimes born alive during abortions, mostly in second-trimester abortions by labor induction; that federal law counts such a baby as a person; that killing one is murder (Gosnell); that CDC found at least 143 infant deaths involving induced terminations in 2003-2014, about 42% of them within an hour of birth; and that national data are incomplete because only a handful of states collect them.
What it doesn't settle
How many such births happen nationally each year; how many of the 143 babies could have survived with full care (97 of the 143 involved a maternal complication or a congenital anomaly, and many were very premature); and what standard of care the law should require for a baby who cannot survive. It does not show that killing after birth is routine or legal anywhere. The 2002 federal Act defines terms; it does not itself create a criminal penalty or a duty of care.
The record

Born-Alive Infants Protection Act of 2002statute

107th Congress, Pub. L. 107-207, § 2(a), 116 Stat. 926 (Aug. 5, 2002), codified at 1 U.S.C. § 8
(a) In determining the meaning of any Act of Congress, or of any ruling, regulation, or interpretation of the various administrative bureaus and agencies of the United States, the words “person”, “human being”, “child”, and “individual”, shall include every infant member of the species homo sapiens who is born alive at any stage of development. (b) As used in this section, the term “born alive”, with respect to a member of the species homo sapiens, means the complete expulsion or extraction from his or her mother of that member, at any stage of development, who after such expulsion or extraction breathes or has a beating heart, pulsation of the umbilical cord, or definite movement of voluntary muscles, regardless of whether the umbilical cord has been cut, and regardless of whether the expulsion or extraction occurs as a result of natural or induced labor, cesarean section, or induced abortion. (c) Nothing in this section shall be construed to affirm, deny, expand, or contract any legal status or legal right applicable to any member of the species homo sapiens at any point prior to being “born alive” as defined in this section.

The Act is a definitions law: it makes clear that a baby who survives an abortion is a person for every federal statute and regulation, at any gestational age. Subsection (c) is important for honesty: it says nothing about the legal status of the unborn before birth, and the Act itself carries no criminal penalty or required standard of care.

Checked 2026-10-03: Read the full text of 1 U.S.C. § 8 at Cornell LII (U.S. Code), including the source note 'Added Pub. L. 107–207, § 2(a), Aug. 5, 2002, 116 Stat. 926'. Source

Mortality Records with Mention of International Classification of Diseases-10 code P96.4 (Termination of Pregnancy): United States, 2003-2014statement

National Center for Health Statistics (CDC), NCHS Response to Health Policy Data Requests 2016, Appendix C, pp. C-1 to C-2 (response to a Congressional inquiry)
Analysis of the text as reported by the cause-of-death certifier show that of 588 deaths with mention of P96.4, 143 (24.3%) could definitively be classified as involving an induced termination. … However, it is possible that this number (143) underestimates the total number of deaths involving induced termination. … In addition, of the 143 deaths involving induced terminations, 97 involved a maternal complication or, one or more congenital anomalies.

These are infant deaths, so every one of the 143 babies was born alive (NCHS notes the mortality data 'only include deaths occurring to those infants born alive'). The age-at-death table on p. C-2: under 10 minutes 25 (17.5%), 10-59 minutes 35 (24.5%), 1-4 hours 68 (47.6%), 5-23 hours 9 (6.3%), 1 day or more 6 (4.2%). So about 42% died within the first hour. The data do not give gestational age, and 97 of 143 involved an anomaly or maternal complication, so many of these babies may not have been able to survive with any care.

Checked 2026-10-03: Read the PDF (NCHS, 'NCHS Response to Health Policy Data Requests 2016', pp. C-1 and C-2). cdc.gov blocked direct download; the PDF was retrieved through the WebFetch tool and the text extracted locally. Percentages computed from the published table. Source

Kermit Gosnell: Grand Jury Report (2011) and murder convictions (2013)event

Philadelphia County Investigating Grand Jury XXIII; jury and Judge Jeffrey P. Minehart, Court of Common Pleas, Philadelphia, Report of the Grand Jury, In re County Investigating Grand Jury XXIII, Misc. No. 0009901-2008 (C.P. Phila., filed Jan. 2011), pp. 1, 4, 5; verdict May 13, 2013; sentences May 14-15, 2013
Gosnell had a simple solution for the unwanted babies he delivered: he killed them. He didn’t call it that. He called it “ensuring fetal demise.” The way he ensured fetal demise was by sticking scissors into the back of the baby’s neck and cutting the spinal cord. He called that “snipping.”

Quote: Grand Jury Report, p. 4. The report (p. 1) opens: 'This case is about a doctor who killed babies and endangered women.' It says (p. 5) 'there were hundreds of “snippings”', most of which could not be prosecuted because Gosnell destroyed the files. Outcome: on May 13, 2013 a Philadelphia jury convicted Gosnell of three counts of first-degree murder of babies born alive (Babies A, C and D), acquitted him on a fourth first-degree murder count (Baby E), and convicted him of involuntary manslaughter (not the third-degree murder prosecutors sought) in the 2009 death of patient Karnamaya Mongar. The jury also convicted him on 21 of 24 counts of performing abortions past Pennsylvania's 24-week limit and on about 210 counts of violating the 24-hour informed-consent law (CBS: 210 of 226; Inquirer: acquitted on 17 of 227). In exchange for prosecutors not seeking death, he waived his appeals and received three consecutive life sentences without parole (two on May 14, one on May 15, 2013), plus 2½ to 5 years for the Mongar manslaughter. He later pleaded guilty to federal drug charges. CBS Philadelphia reported that he died in custody on March 1, 2026, aged 85. The grand jury also found (p. 13) that no one acted 'because the women in question were poor and of color, because the victims were infants without identities, and because the subject was the political football of abortion', and (p. 9) that Pennsylvania stopped inspecting abortion clinics after 1993 for political reasons that were 'not anti-abortion, but pro'.

Checked 2026-10-03: Read the Grand Jury Report in the Philadelphia DA's official PDF (archived by the Wayback Machine, 2017-07-01 capture of phila.gov); page numbers are the report's printed page numbers. Verdict details from CBS Philadelphia (May 13, 2013) and the Philadelphia Inquirer (J. Slobodzian, May 13, 2013); sentence from CNN (May 15, 2013); death from CBS Philadelphia (updated March 23, 2026). All read in full on this date. Source

Second-trimester abortion and risk of live birthpaper

Auger N, Brousseau É, Ayoub A, Fraser WD, American Journal of Obstetrics & Gynecology 230(6):679.e1-679.e9 (June 2024); doi:10.1016/j.ajog.2023.11.004; PMID 37939985
Among 13,777 abortions between 15 and 29 weeks of gestation, 1541 (11.2%) led to live birth. Fetal anomaly was a common indication for termination (48.1%), and most abortions were by labor induction (72.2%). … Feticidal injection reduced the risk of live birth by 57% compared with no injection (risk ratio, 0.43; 95% confidence interval, 0.36-0.51).

A retrospective cohort of hospital second-trimester abortions in Quebec, April 1, 1989 to March 31, 2021. It shows live birth after abortion is not a myth, and is most likely at 20-24 weeks (4.80 times the risk at 15-19 weeks). Limits: Canadian hospital data, mostly labor-induction abortions and nearly half for fetal anomaly, so the 11% rate cannot be applied to US abortions, most of which are first-trimester or by D&E. Lead author: Nathalie Auger (University of Montreal Hospital Research Centre).

Checked 2026-10-03: Read the abstract on PubMed (NCBI E-utilities, PMID 37939985). Full text not read. Source

Which states require reporting of babies born alive after abortion (2019)statement

FactCheck.org; Minnesota Department of Health, FactCheck.org, 'The Facts on the Born-Alive Debate', March 4, 2019; Minnesota Dept. of Health, Induced Abortions in Minnesota, January-December 2017 (Report to the Legislature), p. 27
Six states require some reporting on abortions that result in a baby born alive: Arizona, Florida, Michigan, Minnesota, Oklahoma and Texas.

FactCheck.org (2019) also summarised state data: Minnesota 3 born alive of 10,177 abortions in 2017; Arizona 10 reports from August to December 2017; Florida 6 of 70,083 in 2018; Oklahoma and Texas reported none in the years available. The Minnesota primary report confirms: 'For the calendar year of January 1, 2017 through December 31, 2017, three (3) abortion procedures resulting in a born-alive infant were reported.' In one case no measures were taken (APGAR 1/1), in one comfort care was given as planned, and in one no steps to preserve life were reported; none survived. More states may have added reporting laws since 2019 (not verified here).

Checked 2026-10-03: Read FactCheck.org article in full; read the Minnesota Department of Health 2017 report PDF (Born Alive Infants Protection Act Report, p. 27 of the report). Source
What the other side argues
They say
Born-alive bills are a solution in search of a problem: killing a born baby is already homicide everywhere, so new laws only intimidate doctors.
Mary Ziegler (law professor), quoted in FactCheck.org, March 4, 2019: 'States can and do punish people for killing children who are born alive'; Sen. Jeanne Shaheen, quoted there, called the 2019 Senate bill 'an effort to intimidate doctors with the threat of criminal liability'.
Answer
The first half is true and should be conceded: intentional killing after birth is already murder, as Gosnell's conviction shows. The live question is not killing but neglect: what care must be given, and who checks. Minnesota's 2017 report records a born-alive infant for whom 'no specific steps taken to preserve life were reported'. Most states collect no data at all, so 'it never happens' cannot be known either way. A good law asks for the same assessment and care a wanted premature baby of that age would get, plus reporting.
They say
These laws would force futile, painful treatment on dying babies and stop families giving comfort care; they are 'not based in science or medicine'.
American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists, statement of President Iffath Abbasi Hoskins on House passage of the Born-Alive Abortion Survivors Protection Act, January 2023 (acog.org): 'This reckless bill would impede families from making significant quality-of-life decisions, such as being able to provide comfort or spiritual care in tragic and painful situations.'
Answer
This is the strongest objection, and the point about comfort care is right: when a baby cannot survive, keeping her warm and held until she dies is not killing, and a born-alive standard should say so. Many of the CDC's 143 cases involved anomalies (97) and very short lives. But 'comfort care where nothing can be done' is a different case from leaving a baby who could be treated, and the standard of 'whatever care a wanted baby of the same age and condition would receive' protects both.
They say
Most late abortions end the fetus's life before delivery, so live births are rare and the issue is exaggerated for politics.
Gonzales v. Carhart, 550 U.S. 124, 136 (2007) (describing digoxin or potassium chloride injection before D&E); FactCheck.org 2019 (1.3% of US abortions after 21 weeks in CDC 2015 data).
Answer
Agreed that it is rare, and claims like 'executing babies after birth' overstate it. But the Quebec study found that live birth followed 11.2% of hospital second-trimester abortions and that feticide sharply reduces it, which shows the risk is real where feticide isn't used. Rare and illegal is not the same as non-existent, and the honest claim is 'rare, illegal to kill, and badly tracked'.
Practise with these cards
E43 Nobody kills babies after they're born. That's a lie Trump made up to scare people. Infanticide is already illegal.